Cloward-Piven is a strategy for forcing political
change through orchestrated crisis.
The new "voting rights" coalition combines
mass voter registration drives - typically featuring high levels of fraud - with systematic intimidation of election officials
in the form of frivolous lawsuits, bogus charges of "racism" and "disenfranchisement" and "direct
action" (street protests, violent or otherwise). Just as they swamped America's welfare offices in the 1960s, the
Cloward-Piven team now seeks to overwhelm the nation's understaffed and poorly policed electoral system. Their antics
set the stage for the Florida recount crisis of 2000, and have introduced a level of fear, tension and foreboding to U.S.
elections heretofore encountered mainly in Third World countries. For more information on the Voting Rights Movement, see
the entry for "Project Vote."
Both
the Living Wage and Voting Rights movements depend heavily on financial support from George
Soros's Open Society Institute. It is largely thanks to money from Soros that the Cloward-Piven strategy is at
the heart of the attack on America's political and economic infrastructure.The health reform, Cap&Trade, gun control,
and economic crisis are the tools of the Commanding Organizer -in- Chief and the Statists in the Democrat and Republican
Parties.
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B. H. Obama, Community Organizer, in the Cloward Fashion Their article
called for "cadres of aggressive organizers" to use "demonstrations to create a climate of militancy."
Intimidated by black violence, politicians would appeal to the federal government for help. Carefully orchestrated media campaigns,
carried out by friendly, leftwing journalists, would float the idea of a "a federal program of income redistribution,"
in the form of a guaranteed living income for all; working and non-working people alike. Local officials would clutch at this
idea like drowning men to a lifeline. They would apply pressure on Washington to implement it. With every major city erupting
into chaos, Washington would have to act. The Cloward-Piven strategy - first proposed in 1966 - seeks to hasten
the fall of capitalism by overloading the government bureaucracy with a flood of impossible demands, thus pushing society
into crisis and economic collapse. Application of this strategy contributed greatly to the turmoil of the late Sixties. Cloward-Piven
failed to usher in socialism, but it succeeded in generating an economic crisis and in escalating the level of political violence
in America - two cherished goals of hard-Left strategists.
Radical
organizers today continue tinkering with variations on the Cloward-Piven theme, in the perennial hope of reproducing '60s-style
chaos. The thuggish behavior of leftwing unions such as SEIU and of certain elements of George Soros' Shadow Party can
be traced, in a direct line of descent, from the early practitioners of Cloward-Piven.
Cloward-Piven's early promoters cited radical organizer Saul Alinsky as their inspiration.
"Make the enemy live up to their (sic) own book of rules," Alinsky wrote in his 1989 book Rules for Radicals.
When pressed to honor every jot
and tittle of every law and statute; every Judaeo-Christian moral tenet; and every implicit promise of the liberal social
contract, human agencies inevitably fall short. The system's failure to "live up" to its rule book can then
be used to discredit it altogether, and to replace the capitalist "rule book" with a socialist one.
In its earliest form, the Cloward-Piven strategy applied Alinsky's
principle to the specific area of welfare entitlements. It counseled activists to create what might be called Trojan Horse
movements - mass movements whose outward purpose seemed to be providing material help to the downtrodden, but whose real purpose
was to draft poor people into service as revolutionary foot soldiers.
The
specific function of these Trojan Horse movements was to mobilize poor people en masse to overwhelm government agencies with
a flood of demands beyond the capacity of those agencies to meet. The flood of demands was calculated to break the budget,
jam the bureaucratic gears into gridlock, and bring the system crashing down. Fear, turmoil, violence and economic collapse
would accompany such a breakdown - providing perfect conditions for fostering radical change. That, at least, was the theory
behind the Cloward-Piven strategy.
In 1982, partisans of the Cloward-Piven
strategy founded a new "voting rights movement," which purported to take up the unfinished work of the Voting Rights
Act of 1965. Like ACORN, the organization that spear-headed this campaign, the new "voting rights" movement was
led by veterans of George Wiley's welfare rights crusade. Its flagship organizations were Project Vote and Human SERVE,
both founded in 1982. Project Vote is an ACORN front group, launched by former NWRO organizer and ACORN co-founder Zach Polett.
Human SERVE was founded by Richard A. Cloward and Frances Fox Piven, along with a former NWRO organizer named Hulbert James.
All three of these organizations - ACORN, Project Vote and Human SERVE
- set to work lobbying energetically for the so-called Motor-Voter law, which Bill Clinton ultimately signed in 1993. The
Motor-Voter bill is widely blamed today for swamping the voter rolls with "dead wood" - invalid registrations signed
in the name of deceased, ineligible or non-existent people - thus opening the door to the unprecedented levels of voter fraud
and "voter disenfranchisement" claims that followed in subsequent elections.
The strategy was first proposed in 1966 by
Columbia University political scientists Richard Andrew Cloward and Frances Fox Piven as a plan to bankrupt the welfare system
and produce radical change. The
Cloward-Piven approach called for swamping the welfare rolls with new applicants - more than the system could bear. It was
hoped that the resulting economic collapse would lead to political turmoil and ultimately socialism.
"The Weight of the
Poor: A Strategy to End Poverty." article electrified
the Left. Following its May 2, 1966 publication, The Nation sold an unprecedented 30,000 reprints. Activists were abuzz over
the so-called "crisis strategy" or "Cloward-Piven strategy," as it came to be called. Many were eager
to put it into effect. In their 1966 article,
Cloward and Piven charged that the ruling classes used welfare to weaken the poor. By providing a social safety net, the rich
doused the fires of rebellion. Cloward and Piven wanted to fan those flames. Poor people can advance only when "the rest
of society is afraid of them," Cloward told The New York Times on September 27, 1970. The collapse of the welfare state would ignite a political and
financial crisis that would rock the nation. Poor people would rise in revolt. Only then would "the rest of society"
accept their demands. So wrote Cloward and Piven in 1966.
The key to sparking
this rebellion would be to expose the inadequacy of the welfare state. This Cloward and Piven proposed to do, in classic Alinsky
fashion, by forcing welfare bureaucrats to live up to their own book of rules.
Famous community organizers



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